ROBERT Chote of the Financial Times, in the daily's Monday edition, quoted nobel prize
winning economist Milton Friedman as observing that central bankers have two principal
objectives: ''Avoiding accountability on the one hand and achieving public prestige on the
other.''
Friedman's acute observation is a shocking reality to what is presently going on at the
Bank of Thailand, where there is little accountability except a desperate attempt to guard
prestige.
After listening to the testimonies of all the key individuals involved in the build-up
of US$23.4 billion in foreign exchange swap contracts, a member of the Nukul committee
tasked to probe the disaster, concluded: ''It could be traced to the three top central
bankers [Vijit Supinit, Rerngchai Marakanond and Dr Chaiyawat Wibulswasdi], who acted like
gods coming down to take office. We did not question their honesty, but they were like
frogs in a bowl beyond which they could not see.''
This key committee member criticised the three top central bankers for failing in their
duties as guardians of economic and financial stability because, as scholarship students,
they achieved career advancement within the narrow culture of the central bank without
having to get in touch with the outside world.
The Bangkok Bank of Commerce scandal exploded during Vijit's tenure, as did the
formation of the economic bubble through massive capital inflow in the early part of this
decade. Rerngchai could not handle the collapse of the financial institutions and proved
indecisive in the face of capital outflows that put pressure on the baht until the
currency peg system broke apart.
Chaiyawat was a member of the inner circle of Rerngchai, who played a part -- despite
his pledge of innocence -- in building up $23.4 billion in foreign exchange swap contracts
that eventually broke the back of the Bank of Thailand.
The Nukul committee is tasked with probing whether it is the individuals or the system,
or both, that led to the crumbling of the central bank's management of the macro-economic
policy and financial system. In his opinion, the committee member said, there is nothing
wrong with the system, which has worked well over the past 50 years; the problem has more
to do with the individuals concerned.
A former BOT official said the system of the central bank rests on the enormous power
and leadership of the governor, who cannot fail. But over a period of time, it has
developed into a moral hazard as the governor sought to rely on the assistance of the
number three or number four official, intentionally avoiding any dealings with the number
two through fear that his governorship would be undermined.
Instead of nurturing a merit system, the central bank embraced a system of seniority,
similar to other bureaucratic agencies. After Vijit's departure, the central bank named
Rerngchai as his successor despite the fact that Chaiyawat and Ekamol Khiriwat (the former
secretary-general of the Securities and Exchange Commission) were more qualified.
The system was simply entrusted to the wrong man with the wrong job at the wrong time.
Adding to the central bank woes was the lack of political credibility in the Banharn
and Chavalit administrations, which had done much to erode confidence, the committee
member said. To be fair to the central bank, the two administrations' flip-flop polices
made it tougher for it to steer the country out of the economic trouble.
With public anger rising over a Bt1 trillion bail-out of financial institutions by the
Financial Institution Development Fund and a squandering of $23.4 billion in foreign
exchange reserves through the swap contracts, the Chuan administration is obliged to make
these two critical matters transparent. The key question is, who should be accountable for
the damage that led to a complete loss of confidence in the Thai economy.
As it turns out, no evidence has yet emerged of any accountability as top policy-makers
point their fingers at someone else. Rerngchai has said in an interview that all the
policies formulated or implemented under his leadership during the turbulent time received
clearance from former finance minister Dr Amnuay Viravan and went through a collective
decision-making process, with his colleagues and Chaiyawat also present.
On Feb 9, Amnuay insisted he had no knowledge of the central bank's disastrous build-up
of $23.4 billion in foreign exchange forward contracts, saying he only once received a
report from the BOT in May 1997 after the baht had come under fierce assault.
Testifying before the Nukul panel, Amnuay said if the Exchange Equalisation Fund, which
was responsible for fixing the value of the baht against the US dollar on a daily basis,
had been informed of the huge swap positions, he would have known about it as he was the
chairman. ''The central bank is too independent. The central bank did [swap contracts]
without the knowledge of the Finance Ministry, which only learnt about the matter after it
was too late,'' he said.
Former prime minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh was also reported to have blamed Amnuay for
briefing him only after the finance companies had been closed and said that he had not
been informed about the seriousness of the crisis. Chavalit personally admitted that he
was not keen on economic affairs and had therefore transferred all power on the matter to
Amnuay.
Chaiyawat has given several interviews denying any role in the foreign exchange swap
contracts, although he was deputy governor at the time.
''It is impossible that Amnuay and Chavalit did not know what the central bank had been
doing since they did not spend the money at one time and every time they reported to the
political side,'' said Krirkkiat Pipatseritham, a member of the Nukul committee.
BY VATCHARA CHAROONSANTIKUL and THANONG KHANTHONG